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Home Politics Democracy

Hungarian scientists fear Orbán’s new law

Viktor Orbán's government moves to privatise, restructure and exert further control over the largest Hungarian research network

Magdalena Williams by Magdalena Williams
02-12-2024 12:00 - Updated on 30-05-2026 13:14
in Democracy, Europe, European Union
Reading Time: 6 mins read
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image by Mohamed Hassan. Free for use under the Pixabay Content Licence

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In its newsletter, Der Falter, an Austrian newspaper reports the plight of Hungarian scientists and researchers. “We want as many people as possible abroad to know about this,” says Judit Gárdos. “Because we fear that we will soon no longer be able to conduct research freely.”

Government control of HUN-REN

Gárdos is a sociologist and works at HUN-REN, the largest research network in Hungary. The network brings together institutes from different disciplines. Gárdos is one of 672 HUN-REN scientists who are defending themselves against a new law proposed by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán with a petition.

The Fidesz-led government is planning to restructure HUN-REN. “We will be privatised and a foundation-like organisation will run the network. It will be headed by seven board members who will be appointed by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán or one of his ministers,” explains Gárdos. And she fears: “These seven people could determine what we should research and what not.”

Concerns over research restrictions

In an official statement on the website, the president of HUN-REN, neuroscientist Balázs Gulyás, puts things into perspective: “The most important decision-making body of HUN-REN is still the steering committee, the majority of whose members are selected from scientific practitioners.”

But Gárdos still fears there might be undue control of HUN-REN research topics:

“A situation in which, for example, we are told to research the question of how more children can be born. And we could no longer do research into corruption and authoritarian regimes.”

Orbán’s increasing control of education

This fear is well-founded; the Hungarian government has been privatising the country’s universities for several years. To do so, Orbán has transferred state property to asset management foundations that allocate the universities’ money. Orbán loyalists sit on the boards of trustees. Critics at the university speak of these “straw men” with whom the government controls education.

Central European University, founded in 1991 by billionaire hedge fund manager and philanthropist George Soros is considered a threat by Orbán. In June 2023, I wrote about the CEU, one of the wealthiest universities in Europe on a per-student basis. In 2018, because of Orbán’s new law against accrediting its courses in Hungary, most of the campus was moved to Vienna.

Political appointees to university boards

Orbán considers ​​the academic world important. “It is not necessarily of financial value – Hungarian universities are underfunded,” says Gárdos. “Orbán is more concerned with the ideological control. He cares about having power over institutions where young people’s minds are formed.”

One example of how Orbán has exerted control is through the appointment of Zsolt Hernádi, head of the state-owned oil company MOL. Since 2021, he has headed the board of trustees of Budapest’s Corvinus University, an institution with approximately 9,600 students. Hernádi publicly supports Orbán’s policies and criticises EU sanctions against Russia. According to his own statements, MOL is 60% dependent on the Russian market.

The power of the Collegium

MOL is also the source of funds for a Fidesz flagship: the Mathias Corvinus Collegium (MCC), a training ground and Orbán thinktank. The Collegium has more money than all public universities in Hungary combined.

In 2020, the Hungarian Parliament transferred 10% of the shares of MOL Plc., Gedeon Richter Plc. and a private real estate on Somlói Road to the MCC.In the same year, the MCC received new funding from the central budget.

One can draw one’s own conclusions about the political stance of this institution; American Tucker Carlson spoke at a Collegium-sponsored conference in 2021.

EU funding risks

If the new law passes, the researchers fear another consequence. The EU has already imposed sanctions on Hungary due to the university privatisation. If the Hungarian government does not change its plans, no European money will flow to Hungarian research institutions.

EU sanctions hit the population, not the government

This is another example of how EU sanctions, in the form of withholding funds, hit the population and not the politicians. If free university courses which teach critical thinking and educate young people have to fold, it seems a bit of an own goal.

Sanctions aim to stop Orbán’s illiberal democracy, but it’s only a well-educated youth who can put an end to his autocratic rule. Orbán calls the EU’s ban of Hungarian educational institutions from the Horizon program “blackmail” due to political disagreements. He hopes that new laws will result in the end of the two-year ban from Horizon and Erasmus+.

The latest sanction imposed on Hungary by the European Commission demanded that Hungary pay €93mn by 19 November, following noncompliance with EU asylum rules. Hungary owes prior fines totalling €200mn. If unpaid, €293mn plus interest will be deducted from Hungary’s EU funds.

Alternatives to sanctions

I don’t know an alternative to financial sanctions. Maybe taking Hungary’s EU voting rights away, and leaving Orbán out of vital decisions (like this week’s meeting on the 1000th day of the Ukraine War called by Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk) might be a better tool.

This article is adapted from: newsletter.falter.at/n1Mgq0RinJOVsB.

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Tags: Hungary
Magdalena Williams

Magdalena Williams

Magdalena Williams came to the U.K. from Vienna in 1970 to attend her mother’s wedding and chose to make the U.K. her home. She undertook several career changes until her retirement in 2016 from the then Foreign and Commonwealth Office. She started as a teacher of Hungarian and German to diplomats and finished in the Nigeria Team which was inter alia looking at how to defeat Boko Haram. Before joining the FCO, she worked as a psychologist in hospitals and ran creative therapy workshops in prisons and clinics. Her interest in writing was first raised when she decided to research her family history and leave a record of how her mother, the daughter of a landed gentry family in Hungary fleeing Communism, first to Vienna then Germany, ended up in rural Kent. Magdalena is an ardent Remain campaigner, a Green Party member and she will proudly be forever European.

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