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Home Politics

Enrichment of Orban’s family in Hungary

The Orbán family’s wealth and influence raise questions in Hungary, fuelling anger over corruption and secrecy

Magdalena Williams by Magdalena Williams
13-09-2025 12:01 - Updated on 30-05-2026 13:09
in Politics
Reading Time: 10 mins read
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Drone photo of Hatvanpuszta estate

Drone photo used in the public interest by Hadhazy's campaign

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The Orbán family and their close associates seem to have gathered unimaginable riches since Viktor’s premiership.Viktor Orbán‘s father, Győző Orbán (b.1940), is a retired agricultural engineer and erstwhile member of the former MSZMP, the ruling Marxist-Leninist party before 1989. He worked as a party propagandist and is today a billionaire entrepreneur. His mother, Erzsébet Sípos, is a special education teacher and speech therapist.  

Viktor has two brothers, Győző Orbán (b.1965), an engineer-economist and entrepreneur, and Áron Orbán (b.1977), also an entrepreneur. In 1986 Orbán married Anikó Lévai, his college friend and, together they have five children. 

Orbán clan’s finances under scrutiny 

His father Gyözö owns a profitable mine and the estate of Hatvanpuszta. This estate has drawn huge public attention and is one reason many Hungarians are waking up to the fact that their PM, his family and his entourage are billionaires. The following are just some of the exceptional finances. 

According to céginfo.hu (the Hungarian equivalent of Companies House) Gyözö’s businesses bring in the equivalent of around £10m a year.

István Tiborcz, Orbán’s son in law 

A capital investor, he is involved in tourism, real estate development, hotel operations, financial services, international and domestic freight transport and complex logistics. Just like Lőrinc Mészáros – a close friend of Orbán with a fortune estimated at $3.2bn – it is often discussed that, after Orbán came to power in 2010, Tiborcz and others close to him quickly amassed huge fortunes in a short time through state contracts, which even attracted attention abroad. 

Pro-government media tried to defend Tiborcz by saying he was already a successful entrepreneur in the years before his marriage. Yet in 2024, he was included in the list of the 20 richest Hungarians, in 15th place, doubling his wealth in a year to 151.1 billion forints. (£330m). Hungary’s GDP, meanwhile, grew by just 0.6%. His rise to wealth and his financial relationship with his father-in-law are also covered in the hugely popular documentary film Dynasty. (59 mins,English subtitles) 

People start asking questions 

How can the Prime Minister of Hungary, who declares only €14,000 in assets, afford the luxury of Hatvanpuszta, often called the “Hungarian Versailles”? This is just one of many mysteries in Orbán’s financial story.  

More and more evidence points to possible corruption schemes that serve the personal interests of the Prime Minister, his family and his mates, often diverting public and EU funds. 

Austrian Archduke’s estate owned by Orbán’s father 

According to Wikipedia, Hatvanpuszta was established around 1840 by Archduke Joseph of Austria as part of his Alcsút estate. It became a model farm known for sheep breeding, producing high-quality wool, that supported the country’s textile industry. The so called Alcsút sheep, bred at Hatvanpuszta, were considered some of the finest in the region. 

By the 21st century, the estate was a farm with dilapidated buildings, protected because of their historic value. Some of the materials used in the buildings were exceptional and not available in modern times. This does not seem to have mattered once Orbán’s father bought the buildings. He also bought a very large territory surrounding the farm buildings.  

Following Fidesz‘s parliamentary victory in 2011, Győző Orbán bought the Hatvanpuszta estate through his real estate company. He later leased it for ten years to his son‘s close friend, businessman Lőrinc Mészáros. He reportedly paid the purchase price through rental payments but the land itself was not used for personal accommodation, but rather to store machinery. Over time, the surrounding state-owned and private plots were gradually bought up by Mészáros and other associates of the Orbán family. 

Only after Orbán’s 2018 re-election did major construction begin.  

Rebuilding Hatvanpuszta 

Due to strict security surrounding the estate, with land surrounding it also owned by Orbán the elder, it was and is only possible to view the buildings from the air. Aerial footage and investigative reports show:  

  • All original buildings demolished or rebuilt with modern facilities, including a 2,000 square metre main building and additional wings. 
  • Two underground garages constructed, covering 1,200 square metres (to compare, a large two-bedroom flat is around 100 square metres). 
  • A two-storey, atrium-style library with a spiral staircase and decorative ceilings inspired by Hungarian Reformed churches. 
  • A high-capacity generator and 20,000-litre diesel tank, making the estate self-sustaining.  
  • A “contemplation path,” a chapel, and greenhouse were also part of the landscaping plans. 
  • Both the path, the underground rooms and car park have underfloor heating.  

Video of the building process:  

The building project covers 6,700 square meters and is said to have cost three to four billion forints (around £8.7m), excluding landscaping and infrastructure like water and electricity costs. The value of Hatvanpuszta is now estimated at around £80m.  

In 2023, the estate expanded by 25 hectares after Győző Orbán purchased three neighbouring plots of land for around 68 million forints (£9m). This addition reflects the continuous growth and significant financial investments in the property. 

Investigating Hatvanpuszta 

Though officially owned by Orbán’s father, leaked evidence suggests Hatvanpuszta serves as a private retreat for the PM and his VIP guests. This undermines his public image as a modest, salary-dependent politician. Opposition journalists and politicians argue that the secrecy surrounding the project—from security guards made up of Hungarian police officers (funded by taxpayers), to restricted drone access and untraceable plans—is designed to conceal its true purpose and ownership. Government representatives along with Orbán himself, insist the site is merely a working farm. Yet, when asked by journalists about the lack of visible agricultural equipment, Orbán remarked arrogantly that in his family, “children don’t interfere in their parents’ business”.  

A short film voiced in English about the Orban family’s enrichment may be viewed here. 

According to Wikipedia, 2021 “changes to Hungarian drone laws and construction regulations made investigative reporting on the project increasingly difficult. Despite official claims that the estate is intended for agricultural and educational purposes, leaked photos and blueprints suggest luxurious uses, including a guesthouse, swimming pool and facilities for hosting events”.  

When on viewing platforms, using binoculars, people discovered that there are antilopes and zebras on the estate. These animals are only in zoos in Hungary. Another sign of the lavish luxury the Orbán’s can afford. No wonder the estate is guarded by security guards who try to chase away anybody approaching the property. The security guards even went so far three weeks ago as to attacking Hadházy with two cars. The politicians evaded the crash and one of the security guard cars landed on its side. This is being investigated and might lead to a court case.  

People have had enough 

The underground car park makes it difficult to establish who is staying at the property at any time, but Àkos Hadházy, a veterinarian and an opposition politician has made it his mission to uncover the truth about Hatvanpuszta.  

Hadházy organises coach trips to the periphery of the estate where there are platforms from which people can catch a glimpse of the buildings. Videos of these organised trips, including one by a national paper HVG show people declare that Hatvanpuszta has become the symbol of the corrupt Orbán government.  

Many say £80m should go to national infrastructure, schools or struggling citizens. They show anger in the often strong expressions they use when talking about the government. Four letter words are frequent. Just like the calls at festivals and sports events, the chant of “Mocskos Fidesz” meaning filthy Fidesz is getting louder and louder.  

The question now is whether this anger and desire for change will be strong enough to overcome the media onslaught supported by the Russian propaganda machine.  

    Superb piece.  It deserves a coffee…
Tags: Hungary
Magdalena Williams

Magdalena Williams

Magdalena Williams came to the U.K. from Vienna in 1970 to attend her mother’s wedding and chose to make the U.K. her home. She undertook several career changes until her retirement in 2016 from the then Foreign and Commonwealth Office. She started as a teacher of Hungarian and German to diplomats and finished in the Nigeria Team which was inter alia looking at how to defeat Boko Haram. Before joining the FCO, she worked as a psychologist in hospitals and ran creative therapy workshops in prisons and clinics. Her interest in writing was first raised when she decided to research her family history and leave a record of how her mother, the daughter of a landed gentry family in Hungary fleeing Communism, first to Vienna then Germany, ended up in rural Kent. Magdalena is an ardent Remain campaigner, a Green Party member and she will proudly be forever European.

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